An excerpt from Jacek Walicki's book “Synagogi i domy modlitwy w Łodzi” is reproduced here with the permission of the author. All rights are reserved including the right to use the text on other websites.
The existing community synagogue was too small and neglected to function as the main Jewish temple of the developing city, in which the number of Jews was steadily increasing. Even the plot of land upon which it was located was too small to accommodate a suitably spacious building[1.1].
The Synagogue Supervision Board began efforts to purchase a suitable property but, due to the regulations concerning Jewish settlement in force at the time, such a property had to be located within the boundaries of the “Jewish district” (an area of the city, where they were allowed to reside)[[refr: Friedman F., Dzieje Żydów w Łodzi od początków osadnictwa Żydów do r. 1863. Stosunki ludnościowe, życie gospodarcze, stosunki społeczne, Łódź 1935, pp. 43-70.]].
On 24 June/6 July 1858, “synagogue representatives [!] of the Orthodox community” - Mojżesz Lipszyc, Szmul Saltzman, Lejzer Berger, Enoch Goldberg, and Jakub Dobranicki – purchased, from Grzegorz Zakrzewski for 11,000 Polish zlotys (1,650 silver rubles), by a deed drawn up by Łódź notary Kajetan Szczawiński, “a house with a built-up square, bordering the gardens of the parish priest and ul. Suchecka, stretching from ul. Wolborska to the border of Saltzman's property formerly at No. 35, now No. 202 ul. Wolborska, located in the old city of Łódź”[1.2].
The aforementioned property was located in an area, whose inclusion in the district had already been decided in 1841, and yet the matter was still under consideration by the authorities in Warsaw[1.3].
However, for those proposing the notarial deed, it already belonged de facto to the district[1.4]. The term “synagogue representatives” probably meant an informal synagogue building committee, as the composition of the Synagogue Supervision Board was different at the time. We learn this partly from a donation deed concluded two days earlier, drawn up by the same notary's office, in which “Mojżesz Lipszyc, rabbi of the local synagogue, Jakub Boehm, Moryc Zund [Zand] merchants, Synagogue Caretakers” accept, from Saltzman, the donation of a part of an “empty construction site with a garden on ul. Wolborska in the Orthodox district [....] between Sebastian Kozulski's property and the parish priest's land” for “building a house of prayer of the Mosaic faith”[1.5].
However, the matter of the transfer, in 19859, by the married couple Szulim and Dwojra Reichenbach, of part of the land in the size of “ninety cubits New Polish measure [...] the width of two storerooms”, for the construction of a synagogue is unclear, because the notarial deed regarding this transfer, even though it is preserved in the Łódź Jewish Religious Community's collection[1.6], is not mentioned in later sources. Therefore, we do not know whether the donation was finally approved and whether it came to fruition.
The acquired properties were later covered by shared mortgage no. 202. A mortgage book was very soon established for them[1.7].
At the same time, the community began collecting donations for the construction of a new synagogue and ordered plans, as well as cost estimates, from the district builder Jan Karol Mertsching, which was the result of the haste necessary due to the deteriorating condition of the old synagogue and the lack of space for holding services[1.8].
When a conference of the Łódź Municipal Authority and the Synagogue Supervision Board was held on 16 February 1859 regarding the construction of a new synagogue[1.9], the Supervision Board already had, at its disposal, a substantial sum from voluntary contributions, as well as project documentation- three sets of drawings and a cost estimate, amounting to 25,553.43 3/4 silver roubles.
The construction was to be carried out “administratively” without tendering for private contractors, under the direction of a specially selected and approved construction committee. For the construction, it was intended to use funds from:
- an inventory in the Bank of Poland (1,700 roubles in silver[1.10] ),
- collected voluntary donations (5,614.45 silver rubles)[1.11],
- donations from the heirs of Icek Zajdeman (1,350 silver roubles),
- the “expected sale of the benches in the synagogue” (4,500 silver roubles).
12,388 roubles in silver, still needed for the costed sum, was expected to be obtained “from other voluntary donations or by the distribution of the contribution to the municipality drawn up”[1.12]. The members of the Synagogue Building Committee were Sz. Saltzman, Dawid Dembiński, Józef Zand, Samuel Lande, Icek Weyland, Lewek Eksztein, Lewek Sejdler (Zajdler)[1.13].
On 6 June 1859, the project, together with a cost estimate, was officially presented by the Warsaw Governorate to the Government Commission for Internal and Clerical Affairs[1.14]. On 14 June 1859, the plans were delivered to the Industry and Crafts Department of the same Government Commission. These were discussed by the Construction Committee during its meeting on 28 June 1859.
A member of the General Building Committee, Adolf Loewe, reported on the matter - among other things, two spare exits were introduced in the side aisles in addition to the main entrance, the spiral staircase, without landings, was replaced by a spiral staircase with landings, the area of the nave was increased at the expense of the vestibule, the windows in the two storeys were replaced by high windows in one level, the windows in the east wall were removed, and the length of the women's gallery was shortened. However, the building retained its Byzantine-Moorish style, emphasising the Jews' links with the culture of the Middle East area[1.15].
Construction of the synagogue probably began in the autumn of 1859. In the spring of the following year, the walls began to be erected. At the same time[1.16], an auction of synagogue benches was held. Bench No. 1 - as it was free of charge - went to the rabbi, and a fierce battle developed over bench No. 2, in which S. Lande won[1.17] (it “cost” him 223 roubles in silver).
There was an even fiercer battle for the following bench, resulting in it being awarded to Bernard Ginsberg for 225 silver rubles. The fourth bench was bought for 217 silver rubles by J. Zand, while the fifth bench, was purchased for 215 silver rubles by L. Zajdler, who won over Izrael Poznański (then just on the threshold of his career). The sixth was bought for 203 silver roubles by M. Lipszyc, the seventh for 220 silver roubles by Jakub Frenkel, and the eighth for the same amount by Salomon Sajdeman (Seideman).
Probably from September 1861, i.e. from the moment of definitively closing the former synagogue, services were already held in the new, still unfinished building[1.18]. The large increase in the price of cotton, triggered by the Civil War in the United States of America (the “cotton famine”), which caused an industrial crisis in Łódź, also affected the ability to finance the continued construction of the synagogue (the poor condition of the building was the cause of the tragedy on the holiday of Rosh Hashanah in 1863, when 11 women died and nearly 30 people were injured as a result of panic).
By 1863, all funds had been exhausted, and the Building Committee obtained final permission, from the Warsaw authorities in June of that year, to finance the venture from the budget surplus of the Synagogue Supervision Board[1.19].
The construction troubles did not end with the return of prosperity in 1865[1.20] – the main reason for this was the abolition of the district.
In a report to the Municial Authority, the Construction Committee wrote:
“Due to the gracious government, the Orthodox residents from the additional district were allowed to move to live in different parts of the city around verst 6 [Russian measure = 1.1 kms]. They have established private synagogues in their homes and, therefore, do not need to buy so expensive benches in the large synagogue.
Therefore, the Committee does not have funds to finish the synagogue, even more so that the Committee must be responsible for the debts incurred for the materials taken for the construction of the synagogue.
It is therefore an honour to ask the respected President for a gracious settlement with a higher authority to allow the formation of a distribution for those residents, who have refrained from the purchasing of benches in the synagogue in comparison with the rights of Christians, for example who are expected to pay a contribution as regards to the construction of the church [!]”[1.21].
It was not until 1871 that the building was considered to be finally finished, although it had not yet been plastered and the woodwork and benches were temporary. This state of affairs essentially, remained in place until the general renovation of the building began in 1897[1.22]
All that time, the synagogue functioned normally. Services were held there, as evidenced, among other things, by the considerable expenditure on lighting and heating[1.23]. The lease of thirty benches in the synagogue (combined with the lease income from burials in the cemetery), in the late 1870s, came to 70.22 roubles; the lessor at the time was August Baruch[1.24] (in the 90s this income was leased by the lesser-known Mendel Kon[1.25]).
At the same time, the income from the Torah scroll was 502 rubles[1.26]. It was given to a lessor, who charged fees for reading the Torah in a synagogue, in a bet ha-midrash and - until the 1880s - in private houses of worship. The specific provisions of the concluded contracts established that,[each time] the reading of the Torah was divided into 8 parts (places).
The rabbi was particularly privileged, as he was entitled to a free third seat every Saturday. In addition, on the holidays of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, there were two free places at the disposal of the Synagogue Supervision Board “for persons of distinction in prayer”. For the remaining places, the lessor charged a fee - from 4 kopecks for the first place to 10 kopecks for the eighth[1.27].
At the beginning of 1876, the Supervision Board hired a second chazan, Izrael Chałow, with an annual salary of 200 roubles and 100 roubles for renting an apartment[1.28]. By 1882, chazans were already receiving larger salaries: chazan I - 465, chazan II - 300 roubles, and 150 roubles each for housing[1.29]. In 1896, their salaries increased again: chazan I received 678, chazan II 450 roubles, and both received 150 roubles each for housing[1.1.25]. A special synagogue caretaker was also employed. In the 1870s, it was Dawid Bornsztejn and, after his death in 1873, his son Szlama[1.30].
In 1887, Warsaw craftsmen Zygmunt and Julian Klauzenberg made a Torah Ark for the synagogue, funded by a Łódź resident, David Izraelowicz. The contract, concluded with the contractors, described the gift as follows:
“The Holy Ark shall be raised above the floor two cubits seventeen inches and the width of the pine pedestal four cubits and one inch, and the depth of the pedestal shall be in addition to the width [?] steps three cubits, the ark will be reached by steps divided into two parts between which there will be the chazan's desk, around the steps on four sides there will be a gallery with handrails of ash wood and decorative balustrades of cast iron - the steps and galleries should be in proportion to the entire ark and the pedestal - the pedestal, apart from being decorative, should be arranged in a way that is strong and secure for its purpose.
The sacred ark will be of the following size: the central part, from the pedestal to the crown, shall be ten cubits long and three cubits twelve inches wide; the side parts on both sides shall be three cubits wide and seven cubits high - each part shall be finished to an exact drawing signed by both contracting parties; the body itself shall be of pine wood and the sculptures in the relief shall be of linden wood; the parts marked in the drawing with yellow paint shall be gilded with pure gold; in general, both for the sculpture and the gilding Klauzenberg should follow the drawing most closely.
On the tablet above which the Crown is placed, the Ten Commandments will be inscribed centrally in relief gilded letters in Hebrew, and Klauzenberg will add an inscription in gilded letters such as the Rabbi of the City of Łódź will provide. The door should be in proportion to the ark and there should be a Hebrew inscription inside.
Internally, Klauzenberg will paint the ark with oil paint in himmelblau light blue - being obliged to provide a compartment inside so that the Torah scrolls can be set in two compartments, upper and lower”[1.31].
An increase in the number of private houses of worship resulted in a decline in income for the community synagogue, preventing its final completion. The Synagogue Supervision Board applied for reducing or even closing existing private prayer rooms to increase the income of the neglected community synagogue, about which “Dziennik Łódzki” wrote:
“It is difficult to imagine the abandonment of the synagogue in the Old Square. The building itself is very beautiful, especially inside, but unfortunately its current state destroys the entire effect. In the twenty years that have passed since this synagogue was erected, they have not yet been able to plaster it. Inside, it was refreshed several years ago, but nevertheless the walls from the top down to the floor are dirty and in dire need of refreshing. The doors, both main and side doors, are ill-fitting, dirty, and through the gaps in them you can look out into God's world [...]. Inside, the benches are nailed together with unplaned boards”[1.32].
The unfinished synagogue was attended mainly by members of the lower strata of Jewish society living in the Old Town[1.33]] (the opinion of F. Guesnet that the building was not in use until the end of the 19th century[1.34] is therefore not true).
The Łódź religious community was aware of the need to complete the construction, or rather to carry out a major refurbishment of the building. The municipal authorities were also of a similar opinion.
In late 1879 and early 1880, preparations for a collection for this purpose, among the Jews of Łódź, were far advanced. For example, it is known that the committee collecting donations, approved by the gubernatorial authorities, was to be headed by Herman Konsztadt, J. Dobranicki, and A. Prussak[1.35]. However, the initiative collapsed, probably due to increased internal conflicts within the Łódź Jewish community (between the Orthodox and supporters of Reform Judaism, as well as between supporters of individual Hasidic courts), which manifested itself in attending different houses of prayer rather than the community synagogue. This conduct of the Jews in Łódź, according to the Synagogue Supervision authorities, led to a significant reduction in the synagogue's income and an inability to raise adequate funds for its renovation[1.36].
In the early 1890s, serious thought was once again given to renovating the synagogue. When preparing the budget for 1891-1893, it was decided, “in order to bring the Jewish community synagogue into good order, to carry out this year a complete renovation and plastering of it, with the making of benches and second appurtenances”. Due to the architect, Adolf Zeligson, initially estimating the costs at approx. 10,000 silver rubles, representatives of the Jewish bourgeoisie - I. Poznański, H. Konsztadt and others - agreed to cover the costs in advance, while the Supervision Board was to repay them the sum, in instalments, of 1,500 silver roubles a year.
On 19 June 1891, the Piotrków Governor's Office gave instructions to commence preparations and carry out a site inspection (together with the city architect), followed by the preparation of a preliminary cost estimate[1.37]. The 1893-1895 budget, as described above, provided for 1,500 roubles per year each for the renovation of the synagogue. In the 1896-1899 budget, the sum was already 3,000 roubles[1.1.25].
The restoration work did not gain momentum until 1895, when the drafting of the renovation project began. The Synagogue Supervision Board, together with architect A. Zeligson, drew up a plan for the works, which differed little from the final cost estimate and the actual scope of the renovation. The cost of renovating the building was expected to be 59,930.24 rubles.
As it turned out, the previously mentioned offer by the great factory owners of Łódź was not carried out, because the above-mentioned sum was planned to be covered as follows:
- 5,000 rubles from the funds collected for this purpose during the four previous years by means of placing a corresponding item in the municipal budget;
- 15,000 from the budget revenues of the next five years;
- 15,000 from the sale of male and female places in the renovated synagogue;
- the remainder - from “voluntary donations”[1.38].
In fact, this deficit had to be covered by an additional contribution imposed on the Jews of Łódź, collected over a two-year period[1.39].
Probably in 1897, in order to speed up the inflow of funds, the Supervision Board requested the contributors to deposit their amounts as “voluntary offerings” directly at the Supervision Board's office or to Pinkus Hamburski, who was authorised to collect them[1.40].
On 16 October 1895, the community authorities handed over, to the Mayor of the City of Łódź, an inventory of the existing state of the synagogue and a project for its capital renovation, together with a cost estimate and a request for permission to sell benches in the synagogue and to collect “voluntary donations” to cover the costs of the renovation. The Supervision Board also asked for permission to pay a fee to A. Zeligson – 1,152.50 roubles[1.41].
On 13 November 1896, the Piotrków Governor's Office approved the plans and a cost estimate for the sum of 60,506.49 silver roubles and, as the subsequent course of the renovation work shows, agreed to carry out the work “economically”, without a tender, under the control of the Renovation Committee.
The project provided for:
- the addition of two staircases on the eastern side, because “during holidays, when the gathered public from the women's gallery exits the building, there is a heavy crowd and the existing staircase is insufficient”;
- the construction of a second entrance in the men's section for safety reasons;
- the introduction of gas lighting instead of the candles used so far; - the introduction of central heating[1.42], because “until then the synagogue was not heated, as a result of which in the cold season the praying people could not visit the synagogue without harm to their health”;
- the boiler room was to be located in the rear part of the building, in the basement, between the two projected staircases. Above it, were the office and the caretaker's living quarters;
- replacing the rusty iron sheet roofing with galvanised sheeting; - plastering the synagogue with cement mortar
- making a new Torah Ark and bimah
- painting the entire interior of the building, which had not been refreshed for 15 years
- replacing the floors in the vestibules and prayer hall, introducing mosaic floors; - replacing the floors in the staircases with non-combustible ones;
- replacing the floors in the women's gallery;
- replacing the external doors. In addition, it was provided that a single-storey building would be erected for dry toilets - separate for men and women[1.43].
The Tsarist authorities ordered the selection of a Synagogue Renovation Committee (Building Committee for the Renovation of the Parish Synagogue). On 20 January 1897, the Synagogue Supervision Board appointed the composition of the Committee. The chairman was Rabbi Eliasz Chaim Majzel, the members: Ezra Szykier, Moszek Szmul Sonnenberg, Jakub Majerowicz, S. Lande, Wolf Landau, Wolf Neufeld, and Izrael Olszer. The committee was to both oversee the progress of the construction work and also take care of raising additional funds[1.44].
On 5 May 1897, the composition of the Committee was approved by the Governor of Piotrków[1.45] and, on 21 May, the Committee was put in charge and began gathering building materials as well as hiring labourers and foremen. Initially, however, due to bureaucratic impediments, it was unable to take advantage of the sum of 12,000 silver roubles, which had accumulated in the Supervision’s account from items relating to the renovation of the community synagogue placed in previous budgets (from 1891 onwards).
Use of this sum, kept in a separate account at the Łódź Branch of the State Bank, was reserved for the decision of the gubernatorial authorities, which resulted in a special intervention by the Supervision Board in this matter[1.46], actually supported by the municipal authorities[1.47].
The basic part of the renovation, or rather the reconstruction of the synagogue, was carried out in 1897-1900, according to plans prepared by A. Zeligson, at a cost of 80,000 rubles[1.48], so one-third more than originally anticipated. At the same time, the boundaries of the properties were measured - this was probably due to the drawing up of a new city plan (the so-called Starzyński Plan). In the 1890s, these boundaries underwent certain changes, which happened, among other reasons, due to the purchase of additional land by the Synagogue Renovation Committee.
As a result, the property, now measuring “14,365 square cubits according to the new Polish measure”, took on the distinctive, unusual shape known from 20th century plans[1.49].
At the same time, the Committee made efforts to obtain assistance from sponsors, including the Gazownia Łódzka (Łódź Gasworks)[1.50] and the Credit Society of the City of Łódź[1.51], which, moreover, granted - on the basis of the decision of the General Members' Meeting of 16/28 April 1898. - a subsidy of 2,000 silver rubles[1.52]. I
It should be emphasised that this decision was not influenced by the conflict between a group of Christian and Jewish property owners (the latter were in favour of a more liberal credit policy, which could, admittedly, contribute to faster development of the city, but was potentially dangerous for the Society's creditworthiness)[1.53].
After the basic part of the full renovation had been completed, the finishing work continued, for which quite considerable sums of money, up to 3,000 roubles a year, were still being spent[1.54] - lasted up until 1914[1.55]. Their slow pace was the result of the existence of a number of private synagogues and houses of worship (led by the “progressive” synagogue at ul. Kościuszki).
Such “competition” from (often Hasidic) houses of prayer was, at the time, a common phenomenon in the Polish territories of the Russian and also Austrian partition[1.56]. In 1901, the mayor of Łódź stated that “Jews, gathering in private prayer houses, do not visit the community synagogue and are not at all interested in its prosperity and, for this reason, the works, started more than ten years ago, cannot be finished due to the lack of money” and proposed that “the consideration of permits for new private prayer houses [....] should be postponed until a sufficient number of offerings had been made, by the Jews of Łódź, which was necessary to bring the communal synagogue into a proper state”[1.57].
According to data from 1913/1914, 93,702.85 silver roubles were spent on the renovation and 93,705.41 silver roubles were received - of which 59,394.58 silver roubles were from the municipal budget and 34,310.83 silver roubles from “voluntary donations”. Renovation work was carried out by, among others, the following companies:
- construction “Olszer and Szczeciński”,
- Broder's stonemasonry company,
- the carpentry companies of Klinger, Sztiller, Weissblat, and Lisman,
- the carpentry companies of Szejnzilber and Feldmark,
- the painting companies of Wizner, Szwarcbart, Dimant, Pomeranc, and Kaliński,
- the glazing companies of Berger, M. Bauer, and Walczak,
- blacksmithing by K. Krempf,
- paving by Weinbaum,
- electrical works by Rubinsztejn and Landau,
- installation and gas works by Bomsztejn and Lubiński.
The scope of the work was greater than anticipated, including bringing in electricity and installing three electric motors for ventilation[1.58].
An architectural historian provides the following description of the renovated synagogue:
“The building was founded on a rectangular plan with a separate front section to the west with a square, slightly Avant-corps vestibule in the centre, flanked by two rectangular staircases leading to the women’s gallery. In the prayer hall, against the east wall, there was the Torah Ark preceded by a platform with steps, with a square bimah in the centre. Adjoining the main body of the building to the east was a low annex with a rectangular room in the centre and two square staircases on the sides.
“The building was given a compact body with a slightly raised Avant-corps of the central part of the façade. Its architecture presented ‘Moorish’ forms. The façades were decorated with white and dark stripes, the windows were closed with horseshoe arches, the corners were framed with pilasters, and the whole was crowned with a balustraded attic. The central part of the façade was particularly richly designed: the main entrance was protected by a portal topped with a horseshoe arch, above which there was a multi-part window with closed oculi, the corner pilasters were decorated with Avant-corps, and the whole was crowned with tablets with the Ten Commandments”[1.59].
In this form, as evidenced by surviving photographs from the interwar period [[refr: Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, il. 55.- a photograph from the inter-war years from the collection of the Mechanics Documentation Archive, I-U-3892.]] and lack of mentions in the records concerning major reconstructions (apart from minor repairs, often consisting only of painting the facade), the synagogue survived until 1939.
According to Krzysztof Stefański:
“This synagogue, constituting the heart of the old Jewish precinct, was its adornment and one of the city's most impressive edifices. And thanks to the colourful Moorish architectural design, the orthodox Jews, living here, emphasised their attachment to a religious and cultural tradition, whose roots were in the Middle East, opposing the assimilation tendencies of the ‘progressive’ Jews gathered around the synagogue at ul. Spacerowa”[1.1.59].
The refurbished synagogue introduced new, higher charges for renting benches (although this income was still leased). The benches were divided into five classes, according to their distance from the Torah scrolls: class I (1st-3rd row from Torah scrolls) cost 90 kopecks per year, class V (12th and further rows) - 30 kopecks[1.60]. The level of fees indicated that those attending the community synagogue still did not come from the overly wealthy strata of the Jewish community.
In addition to leased benches, there were permanently purchased seats. Their holder had not only a bench in the men's section, but also a corresponding seat in the gallery, in the women's section[1.61].
The salaries for the synagogue services also increased, above all that of the First Chazan, who received 1,000 roubles plus 250 roubles for housing. The Second Chazan, Hilel Alterman, on the other hand, received 450 roubles plus 150 for accommodation. (He probably mainly performed his duties at the Reform synagogue at ul. Promenadowa-Spacerowa.)[1.62].
It seems that, from the beginning of the twentieth century, direct control and management of the community synagogue had been exercised by the Synagogue Committee, consisting of individuals referred to as “synagogue elders” (gaboim)[1.63].
At that time, the budget of the synagogue was separated from the general budget of the Jewish gmina[1.64] It continued to be funded by voluntary contributions from those attending the community synagogue - several thousand rubles were received annually from this (4,339.42 rubles in 1912, 5,037.2 in 1913). The synagogue employed its own cashier, additionally paid for a chazan, choir, and “synagogue knockers”, as well as covered the day-to-day costs of operations and minor repairs[1.65].
During the Battle of Łódź in November 1914, because of artillery shelling by the German army and the partial dismantling of the wooden fence by people looking for firewood, the property suffered a loss of 2,639 rubles. The front facade was damaged, the roof was punctured and windows were broken[1.66].
After the defeat suffered by the Russians in the Battle of Łódź, the city came under German occupation. The new authorities had different plans for the Jews of Łódź than those of the Russians. Among other things, it was thought that they would be recruited for the purposes of German policy in Poland[1.67].
In the area of the Kingdom of Poland, occupied by the Central Powers, restrictions concerning social activity eased compared to the pre-war period. Many political parties were able to develop legal activities. The composition of the Jewish community authorities also changed - the role of assimilationists increased[1.68]. The municipality began to function according to new patterns, although it still did not believe in the real end of Russian rule in Łódź. The best example of this are the orders of the Orthodox Community Board addressed to the Synagogue Committee in June 1917:
“We kindly ask you to remove the prayers for the Emperor, in Russian and Hebrew, from the wall of the synagogue and to store them properly”[1.69].
The aspirations of the Synagogue Committee[1.70] were clearly visible when it introduced specific rules for the use of the synagogue. From 1st May 1916, the following provisions were introduced:
“1 a) On Saturdays, services are held: morning services 5-12 o'clock, in the evening 6-10 o'clock
1 b) on weekdays: in the morning 5-9, and in the evening 6-10;
2) those praying are admonished to behave appropriately in the synagogue and not to pollute the synagogue;
3) the synagogue service must comply with all directions of the members of the Synagogue Committee, and those praying must comply with all decrees of the Committee members and the synagogue knockers;
4) if the above is violated, those praying will be held accountable and the synagogue will be closed.”[1.71].
At the same time, the Synagogue Committee asked the Community Board to take measures that were necessary for sanitary reasons: the abolition of the sale of herrings in the “adjacent square” and the removal of the toilets opposite the synagogue. It can be assumed that these radical measures, directed against the habits of the majority of the previous users of the temple, led to a conflict between them and the proponents of modernising the way the synagogue operated[1.72].
An expression of the new order consisted in granting, in 1917, to the Synagogue Committee regulations modelled partly on the regulations and election by-laws for the synagogues owned by the Israelite community in Kraków being[1.73]. It stipulated[1.74] that the Committee's task was “to supervise the internal order of the synagogue, the economic department and the celebration of prayers according to the ritual regulations”. With the approval of the Community Board, the Committee could hire and fire those subordinate to it “in full”: the chazan's assistant, the choir, and the synagogue staff.
The Committee's responsibilities included:
- a) ensuring that prayers are conducted in an orderly manner;
- b) supervising the “Torahs”, including the silver ornaments and synagogue inventory according to the relevant list;
- c) ensuring that the solemnity, appropriate to the temple, is maintained in the synagogue building;
- d) setting charges for the synagogue seats;
- e) setting charges for the “mitzvot” with the allocation of such;
- f) supervising the lighting in the synagogue building.
Decisions concerning any “alterations and changes to the buildings” were up to the Jewish Community Council (Gmina). The Committee kept its own accounts and cash register, but was controlled by the Gmina. The regulations also provided for the existence (in addition to the Committee) of the function of a superintendent - a delegate of the Gmina authorities[1.75] and his deputy, who had the exclusive right to convene meetings of this body.
From the autumn of 1917 until the spring of 1918, there was open conflict between representatives of religious Zionists (Mizrachi) and other orthodox groups, trying to control the synagogue authorities and the Łódź communal authorities. This began with the undemocratic conduct by the Community Council of the election of members to the Synagogue Committee, from among twenty candidates, presented by the outgoing composition of that Committee[1.76].
On 2nd February 1918, without notifying the communal authorities[1.77], ninety-five people (a number that did not even make up 8% of all those praying in the synagogue), during a meeting headed by the orthodox city councillor Majer Karpf, elected seven members to the Board (Verwaltung) of the Synagogue: the house owner Josełe Cecemski, the merchants M. Warszawski, Uszer Bomstein, Emanuel Sieradzki, Kalman Heber and Mendel Buchweitz, and one of the Orthodox representatives in the City Council Chil Icek Berman, as well as six deputies, a treasurer, an administrator, and a three-member Audit Committee, composed of city councillors (Mojżesz Helman from “Mizrachi”, M. Karpf and M.N. Russ - a Hasidic tzaddik from Aleksandrów Łódzki)[1.78]. It is characteristic that, almost half of the members of the elected authorities did not live in the Old Town, and many belonged to well-to-do people (e.g. owners of tenement houses). Therefore, the composition of the synagogue's governing body differed significantly from the class structure of the worshippers attending.
The election results were protested against by some participants dissatisfied with the way it was conducted, including the Chasidim of the Tzaddik of Góra Kalwaria (Agudas ha-Ortodoksim Łódź Orthodox Association), worshippers praying in the synagogue and, above all, by the community authorities, who pointed out, that many of those attending the meeting and voted for the authorities do not attend the community synagogue and do not have benches purchased in it, while the temple itself is not anyone's private property, but belongs to the religious community, which has the right to manage it.
The Gmina authorities did not recognise the elected committee. It also became an additional problem that the Committee, operating until 1917, did not want to recognise the new authorities appointed by the Gmina. In a situation of “tri-power”, there were constant arguments in the temple and arbitrary speeches by Zionist supporters that were more political than religious in nature, etc. Finally, to ultimately resolve the sensitive issue, on 27th May 1918, “together with representatives of all the groups praying in the synagogue at ul. Wolborska”, a Committee was elected, consisting of six persons: K. Heber, Mendel Zalcberg, Abraham Warszawski, Szoel Fajn, Lejzer Urbach, and Symcha Berke[1.79].
During World War I, ceremonies were held in the synagogue on both on Polish national holidays, especially on 3rd May[1.80]. There were also ceremonies organised by Zionists (a service to commemorate the anniversary of the death of the founder of the Zionist movement, Teodor Herzl, or a memorial service for the deceased member of the Zionist Organisation, Jechiel Czlenow)[1.81].
Poland's regaining independence and the establishment of a new authority in Łódź, like every landmark event in history, were combined with a temporary weakening in public security and the emergence of various rumours and suspicions against minority groups, especially Jews, who were accused of acting to the detriment of Polish society and of tendencies to obtain special privileges contrary to the interests of the reborn state. Most likely influenced by reports of the formation of Jewish paramilitary formations, hostile to the Polish state[1.82], there was a search for weapons allegedly possessed by Jews.
On 14th November 1918, at night (just a few days after the occupying forces had been removed from Łódź), unspecified persons searched the synagogue and the house of prayer next to it. In the days that followed, there were rumours of a positive outcome to the search. In fact, it turned out that in the chaotic conditions prevailing in the city at the time, the search was self-appointed, while the police and military authorities stated that they had nothing to do with the entire affair[1.83].
The attitude of the new authorities towards the activities of individual Jewish groups was marked by a significant reserve (especially the attitude towards Zionists, whose policies were considered contrary to the interests of the reborn Polish state)[1.84]. The synagogue was subjected to discreet police surveillance and, in May 1919, after determining that “propaganda, having nothing to do with religion but being politically motivated, was being practised during the synagogue service”, the police intervened with the Jewish Community Board[1.85].
The Jewish Community Council, having learned from this experience, allowed a service to be held on 18th July 1919 in memory of T. Herzl. However, no agitational speeches were given[1.86]. At the same time, on 3rd May 1919, in accordance with a tradition established during the First World War, a solemn service was organised in the synagogue - with the participation of the top rabbi Lejzer Treistman - on the occasion of a public holiday[1.87].
In 1920, there was a conflict between the chazan, the synagogue staff and the Synagogue Committee over wages[1.88]. The faithful sided with the chazan, as a result of which the Committee satisfied the demands of its employees for a raise (it was demanded that the chazan should earn 250 Polish marks per week, the other synagogue servants 50 Polish marks each[1.89]).
Requests for raises recurred as inflation increased - for example, in August 1921, the chazan L. Perlmutter asked for as much as a 100% raise[1.90]. The conflict between the Jews praying in the synagogue continued - although in a less visible form. It escalated in 1922, when the Synagogue Committee attempted to remove the incumbent synagogue knocker[1.91]. It is likely that, once again, the election of a new composition of the Committee was announced without the knowledge and consent of the Community Board, which took from A. Warszawski, the presumed leader of the opposing group, the synagogue silver in his possession and, presumably, threatened to remove him from the composition of the Committee, if he continued with his current activities[1.92].
Little information about the Synagogue Committee's activities survives for later years. We only know that, in 1928, it was subordinate to the community Synagogue and Beit Ha-Midrash Committee, whose chairman was Lejzer H. Berger - J.L. Mincberg's most serious rival in later years in his quest to manage the community[1.93], vice-president - Sz. Liberman, member - Elijah Karo[1.94]. The Committee consisted of S. Berke, Sz. Fajn, M.L. Lubochiński, Sz.Z. Sender (administrator), A. Warszawski (treasurer), L. Wetsztajn, J. Widawski, B.W. Wiązowski (controller), H. Wróblewski (secretary) and M. Zalcberg[1.95]] - largely individuals, active in it since the First World War.
In mid-September 1929, Synagogue Committee elections were held. Its members at the time included B. Wiązowski (president), S. Berke (vice-president), M. Pantel (secretary), Sz.Z. Sender (administrator), L. Domb, G. Brenzel, M.Sz. Lubochiński, M. Zalcberg, A. Wetsztajn, H. Sochaczewski, B. Wołkowicz, H. Wróblewski, S. Drukier, and Sz. Fajn[1.96]]. It has not been possible to find information concerning the composition of the Committee in the 1930s.
During the inter-war period, issues relating to the sale and leasing of synagogue benches were under the direct responsibility of the Jewish Community Council Board. Benches were leased for longer periods of time or only for ceremonial holidays[1.97]. The Community authorities also supervised major repairs overseen by the Synagogue Committee[1.98], while the latter donation in the synagogue paid for synagogue staff and for minor repairs[1.99].
According to an old local tradition, “during the solemn Jewish holidays, i.e. on Yom Kippur and the last day of the Sukkot, for as far as can be remembered, women have not been allowed into the Synagogue on ul. Wolborska, in order to avoid unwanted consequences, mishaps, and public disorder”. In the 1920s, this aroused increasing opposition from women and, to maintain order outside the synagogue, the Community Council Board had to request police assistance[1.100]. The police also intervened in cases of theft in the synagogue - in 1923, significant quantities of “electric lamps” were stolen twice, while the perpetrators could not be detected[1.101].
In 1928, the Jewish Community Board engaged a twenty-five-member choir with conductor I. Rubin[1.102]. In 1929, the deceased chazan Gershon Joselewicz was replaced by Oszer Winograd, who had previously worked in Grodno[1.103]. During this period, the synagogue was not a self-sustaining institution, despite significant fees for benches. The budget for 1929 provided for PLN 36,740 of expenditure against PLN 21,600 of income (of which PLN 13,600 was for 1,401 synagogue seats payable from PLN 3 to PLN 60). The expenses consisted mainly of the salaries of the synagogue service (chazan - PLN 600 per month), fuel costs, electric and gas lighting, maintenance of the choir[1.104]. By 1936, both income and operating costs had fallen, but the deficit continued[1.105].
It was not until 1934 that the Jewish Community Council Board began the elemental regulation of the mortgage of the entire property at ul Wolborska 20. On 27th March, representatives of the Board filed the relevant documents. However, they did not provide the mortgage deeds for the entire area of the property, relying instead on a certificate of the then Synagogue Supervision Board, holding the property in identical shape in 1897[1.106]. On 21st September 1934, the mortgage was adjusted and a description of the property's boundaries and details of its owners were entered in the land register - finally approved by a decision of the Mortgage Authority on 26th September 1934[1.107]
Throughout the interwar period, the synagogue on ul. Wolborska was the main community synagogue[1.108] (The second was a synagogue – actually, a house of prayer – on ul. Żurawia). It was also here that the Jewish Community Council organised festivities to mark public holidays, for example, on 11th November 1929, the President of the Jewish Community Board, J. L. Mincberg, spoke there[1.109]. A service was held on 1st February 1931 to celebrate the name-day of President Ignacy Mościcki and, on 19th March that year, to celebrate the name-day of Marshal Józef Piłsudski[1.110]. It was also here that the swearing-in of Jewish soldiers of the Łódź garrison took place[1.111].
In the 1930s, the synagogue included 500 benches, 36 Torah scrolls and a variety of synagogue silver, often of high artistic value[1.1.108].
The technical condition of the synagogue building deteriorated in the late 1930s, when the external plasterwork crumbled. Forced by orders from the Building Inspectorate of the Municipal Board, the Community planned to carry out a major renovation in 1939, based on a design selected through a “special artistic-architectural competition”. The planned work began on 22nd May 1939 and was carried out by the company of Mordechaj Tener[1.112].
In the inter-war period, there were several outbuildings, erected at an unspecified time, on the property ul Wolborska 20, often in very poor condition[1.113]. It is possible that these buildings were associated with using the northern part of the property (located at ul. Aleksandryjska 7) for trading purposes. For the first half of the 1920s, this was witnessed by several members of the Łódź branch of the Central Association of Small Merchants, who traded in “linings and garments”, who protested against removing them from the location, promising “according to the instructions of the Jewish Community Board and the building authorities, to enclose the said square with a fence at their own expense, thus completely closing off access to the synagogue courtyard” and “to maintain a caretaker at their own expense, who would not allow anyone other than the 50-60 people trading in clothes to trade in other articles, especially old items”[1.114]. However, we unfortunately do not know the further course of this case.
The property, upon which the synagogue was located, was permanently guarded by a caretaker, who lived in the neighbouring house (no. 203) or on the property itself[1.115].
In November 1939, the community synagogue at ul. Wolborska 20 was set on fire by the Germans (on 11th November[1.116] or on the night of 15th November[1.117]). The condition of the building after the fire, in which, among other things, the Torah scrolls stored in the synagogue were burnt[1.118], allowed for the preservation of the surviving external walls and did not necessitate immediate demolition. However, the German city authorities made such a decision on 27th December 1939[1.1.112]. The demolition was completed the following spring[1.1.117].
Currently, even the property where the community synagogue was located does not exist. On its site, new buildings were constructed in the 1950s, while ul Wolborska runs elsewhere.
An excerpt from Jacek Walicki's book “Synagogi i domy modlitwy w Łodzi” is reproduced here with the permission of the author. All rights are reserved including the right to use the text on other websites.
- [1.1] Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, p. 47.
- [1.2] Archives of the District Court in Łódź (ASRŁ), Division (Wydz.) XX of the Land and Mortgage Register (KW), rep. 6528, [Collection of documents, document No. 1.
- [1.3] Friedman F., Dzieje Żydów w Łodzi od początku osadnictwa Żydów do r. 1863. Stosunki ludnościowe, życie gospodarcze, stosunki społeczne, pp. 55-56.
- [1.4] ASRŁ, Wydz. XX KW, rep. 6528, [Collection of documents, document No. 1.
- [1.5] ASRŁ, Wydz. XX KW, rep. 6528, Collection of documents, doc. no. 2.
- [1.6] The State Archive in Łódź (APŁ), the Łódź Jewish Community (ŁGWŻ) 138, pp. 6-8.
- [1.7] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 138, pp. 6-8.
- [1.8] This caused the Supervision Board to decide to use, as temporary prayer rooms, the buildings which were located on the land purchased from G. Zakrzewski - APŁ, Documents of the City of Łódź (AmŁ) 1566, p. 958.
- [1.9] cf.: Protokół konferencji Magistratu m. Łodzi i Dozoru Bóżniczego w sprawie budowy nowej bóżnicy przy ul Wolborskiej nr 202, 16.02.1859, [in:] Początki rozwoju kapitalistycznego miasta Łodzi (1820-1864). Źródła, oprac. A. Rynkowska, Warsaw 1960, pp. 455-456.
- [1.10] The inventory came from the synagogue contribution, deliberately increased above current needs, cf: APŁ, Piotrków Governor's Office-Anteriora (RGP-Ant.) 2534, pp. 72-75, 103-106, 109-112, 135-136, 159. It was provided for construction in late 1859 early 1860. - APŁ, RGP-Ant. 2534, pp. 863-864, 868; APŁ, RGP-Ant. 2535.
- [1.11] cf. also: APŁ, RGP-Ant. 2534, pp. 851-852.
- [1.12] Protokół konferencji Magistratu m. Łodzi i Dozoru Bóżniczego w sprawie budowy nowej bóżnicy przy ul Wolborskiej nr 202, 16.02.1859, [in:] Początki rozwoju kapitalistycznego miasta Łodzi (1820-1864). Źródła, oprac. A. Rynkowska, Warsaw 1960, p. 456
- [1.13] APŁ, AmŁ 1562, pp. 21-23.
- [1.14] Main Archive of Historical Records (AGAD), Central Religious Authorities (CWW) 1712, pp. 124-127. The cost estimate constitutes an annex to the project and can be found on pp. 127-135.
- [1.15] AGAD, CWW 1712, pp. 136-138; Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, pp. 48-49.
- [1.16] Cf: APŁ, AmŁ 1562, pp. 610-620.
- [1.17] Regarding S. Lande, one of the largest merchants and industrialists in Łódź at that time, much information was provided in an article concerning his father by Przygodzki S., Dawid Lande 1796-1858. Kupiec i przemysłowiec. Szkic do portretu polskiego burgeois, “Rocznik Łódzki” 1997, vol. 44, pp. 119, 125-127, 130-133.
- [1.18] In the building, among other things, there were yet no benches, cf: APŁ, RGP-Ant. 2535, pp. 282-287; Banner H., Gmina żydowska w Łodzi. Krótki zarys dziejów ustrojowo-gospodarczych, Łódź 1938, p. 22.
- [1.19] These were nearly 454 rubles, cf: APŁ, RGP-Ant. 2535, pp. 197-200, 205, 207-208.
- [1.20] The years 1865-1873 were a period of turbulent development of industry in Łódź, cf: Badziak K., Puś W., Gospodarka Łodzi w okresie kapitalistycznym (do 1918 r.), [in:] Łódź. Dzieje miasta, ed. R. Rosin, vol. 1: to 1918, eds. B. Baranowski, J. Fijałek, Warsaw 1980, pp. 244, 264; Ihnatowicz I., Przemysł łódzki w latach 1860–1900, Wrocław 1965, p. 22.
- [1.21] APŁ, AmŁ 1562, pp. 606-607, 662.
- [1.22] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 473.
- [1.23] In 1875, the Synagogue Supervision Board estimated that 5 (?) of pine and 10 of oak as well as 650 pounds of (?) candles and 1,000 pounds (?) should be allocated for the lighting and heating of the synagogue and the school (ucziliszcze) at ul. Wolborska, APŁ, AmŁ 7143, k. 118.
- [1.24] APŁ, AmŁ 7144, nlb.
- [1.25] APŁ, AmŁ 7157, nlb.
- [1.26] APŁ, AmŁ 7143, k. 119. In the 1870s, fees from houses of worship were described in detailed in a lease agreement, cf: APŁ, AmŁ 7144, nlb.
- [1.27] cf. eg: APŁ, AmŁ 7147, k. 17-18. During the 1880s, the terms of the lease, including the prices for reading the Torah, did not change, cf: APŁ, AmŁ 7150, nlb.
- [1.28] APŁ, AmŁ 7145, k. 100; APŁ, AmŁ 7145, k. 92.
- [1.29] APŁ, AmŁ 7150, nlb.
- [1.1.25] [a] [b] APŁ, AmŁ 7157, nlb.
- [1.30] APŁ, AmŁ 7142, nlb; APŁ, AmŁ 743, k. 27.
- [1.31] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 218-220. According to the contract, I. Poznański (a member of the Synagogue Supervision Board of the time) was to supervise the implementation of the contract concluded with the sculptors and even had the right to amend its provisions. Therefore, it is possible that the funds for the Torah Ark came from an illegal contribution carried out among the faithful, represented by D. Izraelowicz. This issue - due to the lack of sources - can probably no longer be definitively clarified
- [1.32] Kronika Łódzka, “Dziennik Łódzki” 1885, No. 200, p. 2.
- [1.33] APŁ, AmŁ 7152, nlb; APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, p. 117.
- [1.34] Guesnet F., Żydowskie i niemieckie organizacje w Łodzi XIX wieku: typy i stosunki, [w:] Polacy-Niemcy-Żydzi w Łodzi w XIX i XX w. Sąsiedzi dalecy i bliscy, ed. P. Samuś, Łódź 1997, p. 171.
- [1.35] APŁ, AmŁ 7148, k. l-lv; APŁ, AmŁ 7148, k. 3-3v.
- [1.36] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 1, pp. 1-3.
- [1.37] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 215-216; Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, p. 132.
- [1.38] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 174-177.
- [1.39] APŁ, Piotrków Governor's Office, Administrative Department (RGP-Adm.) 9044, nlb.
- [1.40] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 113-114.
- [1.41] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 170-171.
- [1.42] The heating was done - as far as can be judged from the preserved project - in a very modern way, by means of pipes placed in the floor (Cf.: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, p. 82)
- [1.43] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 427, nlb; APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 43-74, 188-190.
- [1.44] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 123, 125-126.
- [1.45] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 264-265.
- [1.46] As a result of the blocking of the mentioned sum, the Synagogue Renovation Committee could not pay suppliers of materials and work contractors, which put it “in a locked position”, APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 119-120.
- [1.47] APŁ, RGP-Adm. 9044, nlb.
- [1.48] Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, pp. 46-52.
- [1.49] Due to the lack of complete source data, deeds from the 1890s have not yet been found in the mentioned Minutes concerning describing the boundaries of the property of 27 August 1898 (APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 22-24).
These files were not submitted at the elemental mortgage regulation. Instead, the Board of the Jewish Community, at the time, provided a Certificate of the Construction Department of the Łódź Magistrate Authorities, concerning the area of the property dated 26 August 1931 and the Certificate of the Magistrate of the City of Łódź concerning assigning a mortgage number dated 15 July 1932. - cf. ASRŁ, Wydz. XX KW, rep. 6528, Collection of documents, doc. No. 3 and 4. Cf. also APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, p. 264. As for the shape of the plot, cf. the plan attached to the aforementioned Minutes for describing the boundaries of the property of 27 August 1898 (APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 22-24.
- [1.50] It indicated that “the Israeli residents of those areas [i.e. Old Town - J.W.] constantly contributed to the increase of the gasworks' income” and asked for a gift of money or a reduction of fees related to the introduction of gas lighting - APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 240-241. The results of the request could not be determined.
- [1.51] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 117-118.
- [1.52] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 115-116.
The Society then experienced the best period of its history, which was reflected in the high rate of its mortgage bonds - cf: Gajewicz L., Towarzystwo Kredytowe miasta Łodzi Sześćdziesiąt lat na posterunku pracy obywatelskiej i pomocy dla własności nieruchomej miejskiej, Łódź 1932, pp. 47-48.
- [1.53] cf.: Badziak K., Instytucje finansowo-kredytowe w Łodzi do I wojny światowej, “Rocznik Łódzki” 1977, t. 25, pp. 98-99; Puś W., Żydzi w Łodzi w latach zaborów. 1793–1914, Łódź 1998, pp. 64-65; Pytlas S., Łódzka burżuazja przemysłowa w latach 1864-1914, Łódź 1994, pp. 106-107.
- [1.54] Cf. e.g.: APŁ, AmŁ 7165, nlb.
- [1.55] On this work in detail in: APŁ, ŁGW 4, pp. 269-279. For an example of a list of works carried out in one financial year cf: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, p. 289.
- [1.56] Cf. e.g.: Żbikowski A., Żydzi krakowscy i ich gmina w latach 1869-1919, ed. 2, Warsaw 1995, p. 189
- [1.57] APŁ, RGP-Adm. 9507, nlb.
- [1.58] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 269-279.
- [1.59] Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, p. 133.
- [1.1.59] Stefański K., Architektura sakralna Łodzi w okresie przemysłowego rozwoju miasta, Łódź 1995, p. 133.
- [1.60] APŁ, AmŁ 7161, nlb.; APŁ, AmŁ 7165, nlb.
- [1.61] APŁ, AmŁ 7162, nlb. This was in line with the custom in other parts of the Kingdom of Poland, see: APŁ, AmŁ 7162, nlb.
- [1.62] APŁ AmŁ 7165, nlb.
- [1.63] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 333-334. It is possible that it was created through a slow transformation and expansion of the duties of the Synagogue Renovation Committee, as the institution with this name continued to appear in its dealings with the Russian authorities (APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 16-17).
- [1.64] This raised objections from the Russian authorities, which resulted that, in 1913, the Synagogue Supervision Board decided to reintroduce the income and expenses of the synagogue into the general budget of the Jewish Community Council [gmina], cf: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, p. 337.
- [1.65] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 4, pp. 293-294.
- [1.66] Further reading: APŁ, Municipal Estimating Commission, 1307, nlb; APŁ, ŁGWŻ 102, pp. 1-2.
- [1.67] Wróbel P., Przed odzyskaniem niepodległości, [in:] Najnowsze dzieje Żydów w Polsce w zarysie (do 1950 roku), ed. J. Tomaszewski, Warsaw 1993, pp. 121-126.
- [1.68] cf.: Report of the Board of the Łódź Orthodox Community for the period November 1914 to 31 December 1915, Łódź 1916, pp. 2-6.
- [1.69] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, p. 16.
- [1.70] Committee composition at the time: E. Szykier (chairman), Zygmunt Lande, Abraham S. Freund (delegates of the Community Board), M. Warszawski, Sz.Z. Sender, B. Abramowicz, M.L. Lubochiński, M. Zalcman - Report of the Board of the Łódź Orthodox Community for 1916, Łódź 1917, p. 4; APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, pp. 1-2.
- [1.71] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, pp. 1-2.
- [1.72] Cf. e.g.: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, p. 40.
- [1.73] The text of the regulations is preserved in the records of the Łódź community - APŁ, ŁGWŻ 52, pp. 1-4. On the management of the synagogues of Kraków cf: Żbikowski A., Żydzi krakowscy i ich gmina w latach 1869-1919, ed. 2, Warsaw 1995, pp. 184, 187-188.
- [1.74] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 140, pp. 4-5.
- [1.75] In early 1918, the position was held by E. Szykier - cf: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 140, p. 16.
- [1.76] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, p. 19. The new Committee took over the synagogue on 11th October 1917 and consisted of: S. Berke, Shoel Fajn, D. Hendeles, J. Kohn, J. Widawski, C. Wolkowicz, H. Wróblewski, A. Sender, L. Urbach, H. Zytner - Report of the Board of the Łódź Orthodox Community for 1917, Łódź 1918, p. 4.
- [1.77] They protested against the plans to hold elections, for which the initiators had, incidentally, obtained permission from the occupation authorities - cf: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, pp. 52-54.
- [1.78] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 104, p. 61.
- [1.79] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 140, pp. 17, 23, 28, 58, 63-68, 70, 78-79.
- [1.80] Cf. for example, the documentation contained in the surviving records of the religious community: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 87, passim. Here are some quotes: at ul. Wolborska, “the honorary guard in the synagogue was performed by scouts and girl scouts of the Tadeusz Kościuszko scout group, together with the Union of Polish Youth of Jewish Origin ‘Żagiew’. A honorary guard was set up in front of the altar, with a pennant – ‘Kosciuszko group’. Izydor Szwarcman ‘in solemn words [...] gave expression to the attachment and love nourished by Jewish citizens for the Polish land”. Cf. also: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 140, p. 19.
- [1.81] Cf. for example: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 140, pp. 10, 36.
- [1.82] More cf. Brzoza C., Próby utworzenia żydowskiej organizacji paramilitarnej w Krakowie w 1918 r., “Studia Historyczne” 1989, chap. 32, issue. 2, pp. 303-306.
- [1.83] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 240, pp. 1-2.
- [1.84] Cf. Tomaszewski J., Niepodległa Rzeczpospolita, [w:] Najnowsze dzieje Żydów w Polsce w zarysie (do 1950 roku), ed. J. Tomaszewski, Warsaw 1993, pp. 154-156.
- [1.85] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 204, p. 7. The police's concern was all the more understandable as the outcome of the “Little Treaty of Versailles”, which imposed obligations on Poland concerning the protection of minorities, was being decided at the same time, [[cf: Michowicz W., Walka dyplomacji polskiej przeciwko traktatowi mniejszościowemu w Lidze Narodów w 1934 r., Łódź 1963, pp. 11-13. Already in January 1919, the Jewish Community Board sought to establish control over the content of sermons and speeches delivered in the synagogue, entrusting it to the head rabbi Lejzer Treistman, [[cf: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 204, p. 13.
- [1.86] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 204, p. 2.
- [1.87] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 204, p. 9.
- [1.88] Chazan Perlmutter wrote to the Community Board on 22nd February 1920: “the salary [...] that I draw (275 marks per month) is not enough to feed one person in such difficult conditions as we are currently experiencing. Therefore, I kindly ask the Community Board to kindly increase my salary to at least 1,000 marks per month” - APŁ, ŁGWŻ 281, nlb.
- [1.89] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 281, nlb.
- [1.90] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 307, nlb.
- [1.91] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 324, p. 1.
- [1.92] These pieces of silver are: “4 silver plates, 2 silver crowns, 2 silver pointers used when reading Torah scrolls, 4 silver Torah scroll components, and 1 silver candlestick with six candles”. - APŁ, ŁGWŻ 324, p. 15.
- [1.93] Por: APŁ, Provincial Office in Łódź 2507/k, pp. 488-489.
- [1.94] Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w 1928 r., Łódź 1929, p. 11.
- [1.95] Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w 1928 r., Łódź 1929, p. 44.
- [1.96] Nowy komitet synagogi gminnej, “Kronika Gminy Wyznaniowej Żydowskiej w Łodzi” 1929, No. 2/3, p. 44.
- [1.97] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 281, nlb.; APŁ, ŁGWŻ 307, nlb.
- [1.98] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 324, p. 9.
- [1.99] Cf. eg: APŁ, ŁGWŻ 324, pp. 11-12; Bilans Gminy Wyznaniowej Żydowskiej w Łodzi za 1928 rok, [in:] Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w 1928 r., Łódź 1929, nlb.
- [1.100] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 324, p. 25.
- [1.101] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 341, pp. 3, 14.
- [1.102] Gmina Wyznaniowa Żydowska w 1928 r., Łódź 1929, p. 43.
- [1.103] Nowy kantor, “Kronika Gminy Wyznaniowej Żydowskiej w Łodzi” 1929, No. 2/3, p. 44.
- [1.104] APŁ. ŁGWŻ 437, pp. 1-2.
- [1.105] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 442.
- [1.106] Archives of the District Court in Łódź (ASRŁ), Division (Wydz) XX of Land and Mortgage Register (KW), rep. 6528, Collection of documents, doc. 3 and 4.
- [1.107] ASRŁ, Wydz. XX KW, rep. 6528.
- [1.108] Huberband S., The Destruction of the Synagogues in Lodź, [in:] Lodź Ghetto. Inside a Community under Siege, eds. A. Adelson, R. Lapides, New York 1989, p. 69
- [1.109] Speech by the President of the Jewish Community Board, J. L. Mincberg, delivered on 11th November 1929 at the synagogue on ul. Wolborska, “Kronika Gminy Wyznaniowej Żydowskiej w Łodzi” 1929, No. 2/3, pp. 34-36.
- [1.110] Uroczystości i reprezentacje, “Kronika Gminy Wyznaniowej Żydowskiej w Łodzi” 1931 No. 1, p. 27. J.L. Mincberg also gave a speech during the ceremony in honour of J. Piłsudski
- [1.111] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 341, p. 8.
- [1.1.108] Huberband S., The Destruction of the Synagogues in Lodź, [in:] Lodź Ghetto. Inside a Community under Siege, eds. A. Adelson, R. Lapides, New York 1989, p. 69
- [1.112] APŁ, AmŁ 20364, nlb.
- [1.113] Cf.: APŁ, AmŁ 20364, nlb.
- [1.114] APŁ, ŁGWŻ 331, nlb
- [1.115] The caretaker's housing conditions were not good. In 1928, the building authorities recognised that the interior, which he occupied on the community’s property (a cell approx. 5 m2), as uninhabitable. Cf.: APŁ, AmŁ 20364, nlb.
- [1.116] Rubin I., Żydzi w Łodzi pod niemiecką okupacją, London 1988, p. 172.
- [1.117] Huberband S., The Destruction of the Synagogues in Lodź, [in:] Lodź Ghetto. Inside a Community under Siege, eds. A. Adelson, R. Lapides, New York 1989, p. 71.
- [1.118] Huberband S., The Destruction of the Synagogues in Lodź, [in:] Lodź Ghetto. Inside a Community under Siege, eds. A. Adelson, R. Lapides, New York 1989 p. 71.
- [1.1.112] APŁ, AmŁ 20364, nlb.
- [1.1.117] Huberband S., The Destruction of the Synagogues in Lodź, [in:] Lodź Ghetto. Inside a Community under Siege, eds. A. Adelson, R. Lapides, New York 1989, p. 71.
